By D. Peters

In 1999, ten years of heated debate concerning the EU's function in protection coverage got here to an finish, whilst the ecu determined to set up an self sustaining defense and security coverage. Germany and Britain have been key avid gamers within the years resulting in this determination. yet they performed markedly various roles -- the previous endorsing the assumption from the start, the latter dragging its heels and purely reluctantly turning into a supporter. still either British and German rules might be understood as responses to impulses from the foreign procedure. the tip of the chilly conflict brought on either states to pursue a coverage of balancing US strength. but foreign associations restricted their balancing efforts otherwise. to illustrate this, this learn builds at the theories of neo-realism and ancient institutionalism and develops the technique of structure-based overseas coverage research: a brand new mode of studying safeguard rules as responses to the foreign atmosphere.

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Additional info for Constrained Balancing: The EU's Security Policy (Palgrave Studies in International Relations)

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2001: 44). These resources are regarded as ‘highly fungible’ (Baumann et al. 2001: 43) and thus as enabling states to ensure their security in the international system. Hence, although there may be no clear ‘neorealist set’ of capabilities, there is a core set of resources that are generally regarded as important. 38 Framework The second term in the definition of power as ‘control over resources’ usually receives much less attention. As a matter of fact, most scholars tend to equate control over resources with the possession of resources.

As discussed in Chapter 1, FPA very much focuses on internal causes of foreign policy and tends to neglect outside factors. Sometimes FPA is even equated with the search for internal causes of the external behavior of states (Hudson 1995, 2005). There are plenty of reasons for this narrow focus. Some of them rest in the object of study – it is the idiosyncrasies of foreign policies that attract attention most easily and such idiosyncrasies can most easily be addressed by ‘actor-specific theory’ that focuses on the individual characteristics of actors; others are sociological – the field is dominated by US scholars examining US foreign policy and as a matter of course they tend to adopt an inside view of that policy.

It was a joint letter of German Chancellor Helmut Kohl and French President François Mitterrand that put the issue on the agenda in 24 Framework 1990. To underscore their determination to proceed with developing a European defense capacity, they announced in 1991 in another joint letter to the Presidency of the European Council that they intended to intensify their military cooperation beyond the already existing Franco-German brigade. 10 Germany and France continued to push for closer security and defense cooperation among European states in the years to come and for anchoring this cooperation within the EU, yet they met with considerable resistance from several countries.

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