By Wout Cornelissen, Evert van der Zweerde, Gerrit Steunebrink
Japan, Russia, and Turkey are significant examples of nations with varied ethnic, non secular, and cultural historical past that launched into the trail of modernization with no need been colonized by way of a Western state. In all 3 instances, nationwide recognition has performed an important position during this context. The undertaking of Modernity is clearly of eu foundation, yet is it primarily ecu? Does modernization suggest lack of a country’s cultural or nationwide identification? if that is so, what's the "fate" of the modernization strategy in those circumstances? The presence of the belief and fact of civil society may be thought of a true marker of Modernity during this recognize, since it presupposes the improvement of liberalism, individualism and human rights. yet are those appropriate with nationalism and with the belief of a countrywide faith? those questions are the extra urgent, as Japan is taken into account a part of the Western global in lots of respects, and Russia and Turkey are defining their relation to the ecu Union in several methods. An research of those 3 nations, trigger opposed to extra normal reflections, sheds gentle at the percentages or obstacles of modernization in a non-European context.
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Additional resources for Civil Society, Religion, and the Nation: Modernization in Intercultural Context: Russia, Japan, Turkey
45 42. , pp. 113–116. 43. From a historical point of view, the ‘sketchy’ analysis – as the author himself writes – of the religious, political and scientific domain seems to me to be deficient. Among the books the author mentions is Richard Pipes’ 1974 Russia under the Old Regime, whose reading of Russian church-state relations is strongly opposed by church historian Gregory Freeze (to whom I refer in the previous section). On the issue of secularization in Russia, Laura Engelstein contends that in Russia, as in Europe, religion evolved parallel to other domains of society, herewith putting an end to the assumption that religion still largely dominated social life in Russia at the expense of other cultural developments (Engelstein 2001).
63. Habermas 1990, §7. 64. , p. 91. 65 But although these groups articulate common concerns and their loyalties transcend the traditional estates, their formation is not based on the psychological and political-economic emancipation characteristic of Habermas’ category of the bourgeoisie. 67 In all, the double process of polarization, first between state and society and then within society itself,68 which is fundamental to Habermas’ understanding of the bourgeois public sphere, proves problematic in the context of Russian 19th century society, where private autonomy – economic, social, religious, as well as political –, was a rarity as opposed to the norm.
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