By Michael Peter Smith, Matt Bakker
Michael Peter Smith and Matt Bakker spent 5 years undertaking ethnographic box study in a number of groups within the Mexican states of Zacatecas and Guanajuato and diverse towns in California, relatively metropolitan l. a.. Combining the knowledge they accrued there with political-economic and institutional research, the 5 prolonged case experiences in Citizenship throughout Borders supply a brand new method of the emergent dynamics of transnational group improvement and electoral politics on each side of the border.
Smith and Bakker spotlight the ongoing importance of territorial identifications and nation policies—particularly these of the sending state—in cultivating and maintaining transnational connections and practices. In so doing, they contextualize and make feel of the advanced interaction of id and loyalty within the lives of transnational migrant activists. not like high-profile warnings of the hazards to nationwide cultures and political associations led to by way of long-distance nationalism and twin citizenship, Citizenship throughout Borders demonstrates that, faraway from undermining loyalty and diminishing engagement in U.S. political lifestyles, the perform of twin citizenship through Mexican migrants truly presents a feeling of empowerment that fosters migrants' energetic civic engagement in American in addition to Mexican politics.
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Additional resources for Citizenship across Borders: The Political Transnationalism of El Migrante
Numerous ethnographic interviews and extended conversations were conducted with the key informants whose lives are at the center of the stories we tell. These deep ethnographies were supplemented by additional interviews with migrants, elite interviews with Mexican state and local public ofﬁcials and political party activists, and participant observation and informal interviewing at state-sponsored gatherings, electoral campaign rallies, and related transnational political events. The ethnographies and related extended–case study materials on which this book is based were gathered between 2000 and 2005 in multiple locations in California, including Napa, San Jose, Los Angeles, Santa Ana, and other cities, as well as in the capital cities and numerous other localities in the Mexican states of Guanajuato and Zacatecas.
Iskander 2005). In PAN-governed states, for example, political elites sought to encourage migrant investment in incomeand employment-generating projects. These states have developed a number of investment schemes and incentives to induce migrant investment in their communities of origin. Such programs include Guanajuato’s Mi Comunidad program, described in depth in chapter 3, and the FIDERAZA (Investment Trust Fund for Mexicans Abroad) program in Jalisco, which helped to ﬁnance productive investment through a contribution of onequarter cent per dollar remitted through its afﬁliated Raza Express moneytransfer corporation (García Zamora 2003; Lanly and Valenzuela 2004).
S. Latino organizations, ten additional consultants, and thirty-two representatives of Mexican state governments. The IME pursues similar strategic objectives to those deﬁned by earlier administrations. S. government ofﬁcials and Mexican-origin community leaders in the United States as a means of developing the Mexican government’s much-coveted Mexican lobby within the United States. S. polity at this time, may prove to be extremely fertile ground for cultivating future Mexico-friendly activists in the United States (Cano 2004).