By Olga Miseska Tomic

The booklet offers with a few syntactic and semantic points of the shared Balkan Sprachbund houses. In a finished introductory bankruptcy, Tomić deals an summary of the Balkan Sprachbund houses. Sobolev, exhibiting the areal distribution of sixty five houses, argues for dialect cartography. Friedman, at the instance of the evidentials, argues for typologically trained areal clarification of the Balkan homes. the opposite contributions learn particular phenomena: polidefinite DPs in Greek and Aromanian (Campos and Stavrou), Balkan buildings within which datives mix with impersonal clitics or non-active morphology (Rivero), Balkan optatives (Ammann and Auwera), significant strength within the Balkan languages (Isac and Jakab), clitic placement in Greek imperatives (Bošković), targeted elements in Romanian and Bulgarian (Hill), artificial and analytic tenses in Romanian (D'Hulst, Coene and Avram), "purpose-like" amendment in a couple of Balkan languages (Bužarovska), Balkan modal existential “wh”-constructions (Grosu), baby and grownup options in examining empty matters in Serbian/Croatian (Stojanović and Marelj), conditional sentences in Judeo-Spanish (Montoliu and Auwera).

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Additional resources for Balkan Syntax and Semantics (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today)

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The first construction is the so-called involuntary state or “feel like” construction, which occurs in Albanian and the South Slavic languages, but not in Romanian and Modern Greek. (46) a. past in nivata. ’ b. I u punua këtu. ’ c. I se lucra în fabric˘a. imperf in factory 1. ’ 2. ’ Ma Al Ro The second construction, which consists of an anticausative core, coupled with a dative, is found in all Balkan languages along parallel lines: (47) a. Mu se skrši prozorecot. b. Iu thye dritarja. c. I se sparse ferestrea.

34 (2190-2227) Olga Mišeska Tomi´c d1 Thelo na pao eki. ’ d2 Thelo na pai eki. ’ ovel tlo/klo izmekjari. ’ e2 Na mangela te ovav tlo/klo izmekjari. ’ MG MG ABR ABR In Serbo-Croatian, intentional verbs can take either subjunctive or infinitive complements. The usage of infinitive and subjunctive complements with individual types of intentional verbs in (standard) Serbian is, however, different from their usage in (standard) Croatian. When the intentional verb and its complement have disjoint reference, in both (standard) Serbian and (standard) Croatian we have subjunctive complements.

MR b. Po¸t s-ti/*il du¸t/*duca. ’ Al c. Dy prej tyre mundën (që) të shpëtonin. ’ MG d. Boro na figo/*figis. ’ (55) a. Intentional verbs fall into three classes with respect to agreement with the person/number features of their subjunctive complements. Verbs of the “intend” type have same reference as the subjects of their subjunctive complements; the reference of verbs of the “order” type differs from the reference of the subjects of their subjunctive complements (disjoint reference verbs); while verbs of the “want” type may agree or disagree with the person/number features of their subjunctive complements.

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