By Ted Galen Carpenter
The family part of Washington's battle on medicines has bought significant feedback through the years from various participants. until eventually lately, even if, such a lot critics haven't under pressure the wear and tear that the foreign section of the drug warfare has performed to our Latin American associates. That loss of awareness has started to alter and Ted wood worker chronicles our disenchantment with the hemispheric drug struggle. a few trendy Latin American political leaders have eventually dared to criticize Washington whereas even as, the U.S. executive turns out decided to perpetuate, if no longer accentuate, the antidrug campaign. Spending on federal antidrug measures additionally keeps to extend, and the strategies hired by means of drug struggle forms, either right here and in a foreign country, convey the inflammatory "drug struggle" metaphor in the direction of fact. finishing the prohibitionist procedure might produce a number of advantages for either Latin American societies and the us. In a ebook deriving from his paintings on the CATO Institute, Ted wood worker paints an image of this ongoing fiasco.
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Additional info for Bad Neighbor Policy: Washington's Futile War on Drugs in Latin America
S. military forces had the authority to pursue and arrest drug traffickers overseas, even without the consent of the host government. S. Special Forces team was mobilized to apprehend reputed Colombian drug kingpin Pablo Escobar, who was reportedly in Panama. S. 17 The November 3 reinterpretation apparently removed that obstacle. 18 The Andean Initiative immediately allocated over $260 million in military and law enforcement assistance for Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia. That amount represented only the first annual installment of monetary and military aid that would exceed $2 billion over a five-year period and include various weapons systems designed to give the Latin American militaries an edge over the well-armed Es ca l at i n g a n d M il it a ri zi n g t h e D r u g Wa r | 39 drug cartels.
After the Bolivian government committed itself to an eradication program in 28 | B a d N ei gh b o r P o l ic y 1983, Washington conditioned continued development assistance and narcotics control aid on the elimination of at least 4,000 hectares of coca by 1985 and the establishment of effective narcotics police control over the chief coca-growing region, the Chapare. S. pressure and passed legislation making most coca farming illegal. 52 The United States tried to facilitate matters by paying peasants in the Chapare $2,000 for each hectare removed from production, but there was little evidence that the financial inducement actually caused a decline in coca output.
After the issuance of NSDD 221, supporters of the drug war redoubled their calls for the military to play an expanded role. After all, the principal function of the defense establishment is to neutralize serious threats to American security, and the president had certified that the drug trade posed such a threat. Conservative columnist James J. Kilpatrick exemplified the more militant attitude when he endorsed using the military in the drug fight: “Our soldiers, sailors and airmen are being paid to protect the national security.