By John S. Saul

Two decades on from the autumn of apartheid in South Africa, veteran analyst and activist John S. Saul examines the liberation fight, putting it in a nearby and international context and searching at how the preliminary optimism and desire has given option to a feeling of situation following hovering inequality degrees and the bloodbath of employees at Marikana.

With chapters on South Africa, Tanzania and Mozambique, Saul examines the truth of southern Africa’s post-'liberation' plight, drawing at the insights of Frantz Fanon and Amilcar Cabral and assessing claims new 'precariat' has emerged.

Saul examines the continued 'rebellion of the poor', together with the new Marikana bloodbath, that experience shaken the zone and should sign the potential for a brand new and extra hopeful destiny.

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Additional info for A Flawed Freedom: Rethinking Southern African Liberation

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Tanzania Fifty Years On c 37 The word “authoritarian” is not chosen lightly by Schneider. In fact, its use lies at the very centre of the argument he wishes to make. ” Shocking then that much-cited analysts like Cranford Pratt can demur somewhat at Nyerere’s too leftist economic policies but laud him for his fervent embrace of democracy! Because, put quite simply, the latter emphasis is almost entirely inaccurate. In this connection I am forced to recall an all-too-acrimonious debate I had several decades ago with Pratt himself regarding the Tanzanian experience.

In this connection I am forced to recall an all-too-acrimonious debate I had several decades ago with Pratt himself regarding the Tanzanian experience. Pratt professed to find in my then criticisms of Tanzania’s politics a preference for an approach that was far more dangerously and self-righteously authoritarian, far too Marxist and Leninist, than anything that Nyerere was inclined towards. Indeed, for Pratt, Nyerere’s political practice was essentially democratic, albeit a practice that sought assertively to guide from above the consolidation of democracy in such a way that the country could weather the very real threats to national consolidation that Pratt apparently thought to characterize the immediate post-independence years.

Most strikingly, however, much of the country’s radical project seemed to have been hatched in the sensibility of one man, a man (Nyerere) who had, as we know, his own limitations, both of possibility (vis-à-vis his own colleagues and vis-à-vis the external world), but also of vision. Of course, Nyerere did remain usefully suspicious of the congealing Western-dominated global system. Unfortunately, however, and despite his (entirely accurate) nervousness about the Soviet Union and 10 The Nationalist (Dar es Salaam), issue of September 5, 1967.

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